Witness to genocide

Mohakhali

Human rights activist Shahriar Kabir was in his residence in Mohakhali on the night of 25 March. From the rooftops at around 10:30pm, he observed tanks from the cantonment entering the city along the Mohakhali road. Seeing one tank after another, it became apparent that Dhaka would witness a massacre that night.

And within an hour, the crackdown began. Cannons and mortars groaned continuously throughout the night with little respite. He could also hear some 'Joy Bangla' slogans. His brother constantly tuned the radio transistor, hoping for news from foreign stations.

But there was no news. The world remained unaware of the terrible devastation unfolding in Bangladesh. 

Amidst the turmoil, his brother's wife, pregnant, began experiencing labour pains that night. With the curfew in place and gunshots echoing in the distance, there was no way to go to the hospital.

Near dawn, an injured policeman from Rajarbagh police station arrived at their house and informed them that Pilkhana and Rajarbagh were now sites of a massacre.

As dawn broke on 26 March, the city remained shrouded in uncertainty. People stayed indoors, but sporadic gunshots continued throughout the day.

At noon, he heard on Radio Akashvani, "Civil war has erupted in East Bengal. Many people have been injured."

Some fearless boys from the neighbourhood brought news that military bases had been established everywhere, and sandbag bunkers had been erected at the Mohakhali rail gate junction. The army shot at anyone they saw. 

The dense slums on both sides of the railway line from Mohakhali to Malibagh were reduced to ashes. The inhabitants of these slums used to attend public rallies, perhaps stirring strong resentment against them. Gunpowder was scattered and ignited, burning everything to the ground within seconds. 

"I saw not a single house left standing in the slum. People turned to coal. Almost nothing remained. Some areas were still burning even after two days," he recounted.

Gulshan

Around midnight on 25 March, a deafening noise erupted suddenly. Maidul Hasan, an official of the Mujibnagar government and Tajuddin Ahmed's assistant, resided approximately one mile east of Tejgaon Airport, behind Gulshan No 1 Market. Despite the distance, he could hear the ominous noise emanating from the direction of the airport and observe the scattered light of the shells.

"It was as if I had lost my consciousness for some time. When I regained my senses, I realised Pakistani soldiers were emerging from the cantonment and launching an attack, moving south towards Farmgate," he recalled.

He also attempted to discern whether there were any sounds of gunshots or explosions coming from the opposite direction. However, he perceived no such indications. The attack appeared overwhelmingly one-sided to him. Relentlessly, they advanced further south, towards the centre of the city.

Hasan began tuning his transistor radio. Previously, he had inadvertently picked up signals from a broadcasting station used by the Pakistan Army. That night, his intention was to deliberately intercept that signal source.

Indeed, from that source, reports of army operations flowed continuously. The descriptions were primarily in plain English, interspersed with symbolic codes and some Urdu phrases. Occasionally, there were conversations exchanged between both sides. The majority of the discussions consisted of field reports detailing ongoing operations. Inquiries or comments regarding progress were also transmitted from headquarters control.

At one point, Hasan understood that Iqbal Hall and Jagannath Hall had been attacked. Over the radio, inquiries were made about the casualties and arrests resulting from the attacks. "I believe in only one thing, and that is to kill," came the reply from the battlefield.

After approximately four hours, the continuous gunfire began to diminish, though sporadic sounds of machine guns persisted. The morning of 26 March commenced under a curfew, with all media outlets shuttered except for state radio. Telephone communication had also ceased.

The entire day and night passed in fear, with the constant dread that the army might resume killings at any moment, anywhere. After 33 hours of uninterrupted curfew, the restrictions were lifted for a brief period of four hours starting at 9am on 27 March.

Farmgate

Anticipation arose in the third week of March 1971 that the Pakistani army might emerge from the Dhaka Cantonment. Hence, on 25 March, central student leaders proposed the idea of digging a trench at Farmgate. However, that turned out to be too impractical an idea, since the army was stationed very close to the area.

As a result, instead of trenches, student leaders cut down two large banyan trees at the farmgate and barricaded them with tree trunks and iron bars. The then general secretary of Tejgaon Awami League, Golam Kibria, along with the leaders of Awami League and the general public, supported the students. Workers from the Tejgaon area also joined the effort.

In the night, they were fully prepared inside the garden of the Agriculture Department at Farmgate, reminisced Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal, the Minister of Home Affairs, who was also one of the central leaders. 

"At 10:30 pm, the convoy of assassins started leaving the cantonment. They were equipped with modern weapons. Nevertheless, the convoy came to a standstill at Farmgate, right in front of our barricade. We threw whatever we had on the convoy and chanted 'Joy Bangla' in the Farmgate area," he said. 

Then the two policemen stationed at Habib Bank also opened fire. However, more convoys arrived and jumped on the students, opening a brushfire. The students were forced to scatter because of the bullets. 

Despite the crushing of the barricade at Farmgate, this effort still holds great significance, as it was the first notable resistance against the Pakistani army in the beginning of the Liberation War.

Dhaka University

It was around 10:30 pm on 25 March when Basanti Guhathakurta heard noises coming from the intersection of Shahid Minar, Jagannath Hall and Engineering University. So, her husband, Professor Jyotirmoy Guhathakurta went out to see what the matter was. 

Basanti also observed from the wall of their house that students were bringing empty water tanks onto the street and filling them with brick pieces. In doing so, they effectively closed Fuller Road.

Meanwhile, some other young boys cut thick branches from a Banyan tree and placed them at the Bakshi Bazar Road Crossing. Jyotirmoy asked them, "What are you doing? What for?" The boys replied, "We are setting up barricades, sir." 

After a while, their house help Gopal returned from outside and reported that while Ramna Park and Curzon Hall remained calm, Mujib Bahini members were active on the streets. They all carried bamboo sticks and wore round green caps on their heads. A somewhat relieved Basanti went to sleep shortly afterward.

Around 12:30am, Basanti suddenly woke up to the sound of gunfire. The frightened cows from Jagannath Hall were also mooing helplessly. It was evident that a war had broken out. 

Shortly after, Pakistani military personnel arrived at their No 34 Building and began forcefully kicking down every door with their boots. Within moments, they reached Basanti's house as well.

Basanti retrieved a panjabi from the wardrobe and handed it to her husband, saying, "They have come to arrest you. Get ready." When an army officer entered their house, he inquired, "Is your husband inside?" Basanti, realising it was futile to lie, responded, "Yes."

But they weren't satisfied with arresting Jyotirmoy alone. One by one, they checked all three of their bathrooms. Once they went to their daughter Dola's bathroom, they asked, "Where is Mujibur Rahman?" Dola was almost scared to death, "We don't know him!" 

In the meantime, there were continuous sounds of gunfire outside. It was soon discovered that their neighbour, Dr Moniruzzaman, had been shot and was bleeding profusely. 

But where is Jyotirmoy? Dola mentioned hearing her father's voice from outside. They rushed outdoors and found Jyotirmoy lying face down on the grass.

Seeing them, Jyotirmoy said, "I have been shot on my right shoulder. My body has been paralysed. Please take me inside." 

Later, he was also taken to Dhaka Medical College, where he died on 30 March. However, before his demise, he made one request to his wife. "Please write down everything. All this history."

Elsewhere, since Iqbal Hall was known as the headquarters of the Free Bengal Students Action Committee, a significant portion of the Pakistani Army's fury was directed towards it as well.

Just after midnight, Iqbal Hall faced a barrage of heavy mortar and machine-gun attacks from positions near the pond in front and the police barracks behind it. In response, students and hall staff, along with Bengali policemen from the Nilkhet Barracks, attempted to flee and find refuge in the adjacent teachers' and staff quarters, recalled Professor Rafiqul Islam. 

The Bangali soldiers of the EPR who were stationed at the President's House were disarmed and subsequently sent to Ramna Race Course, where they were shot dead. Some EPR soldiers were able to escape and sought refuge among civilians. Meanwhile, the army set fire to the Nilkhet slum and mercilessly machine-gunned fleeing residents from the Nilkhet Rail-Gate.

Pakistani killers began to go through the hall rooms and residential apartments and began their orgy of murder and looting. The relentless shelling caused enormous, gaping holes to appear in Iqbal Hall and the adjacent residences of the bearers. 

Those students and bearers of Iqbal Hall who were unable to escape were all slain by the Pakistani forces.

Some surviving students were taken to the Iqbal Hall kitchen, where petrol was poured over them, and they were subsequently burnt alive.

On that fateful night, the Pakistani forces also launched attacks on Madhur Canteen and Rokeya Hall. Madhu Da, along with his family, bearers, ayahs of Rokeya Hall, and their families, were all ruthlessly murdered.

The university authorities have officially recorded 195 martyrs, yet numerous sources suggest that the actual death toll on the university campus that night may range from 250 to 300 people. Pakistan Army's wireless communications also acknowledge such a significant number of casualties.

Mirpur

Professor Muntassir Mamoon, aged 25 in 1971, used to live in Mirpur's Pallabi with his uncle Borhan Uddin Khan Jahangir. On 25 March, he met Shahriar Kabir and Baby Mawdud in the 'Rana' newspaper office in Paltan. But after having lunch, he and Kabir decided to leave early, as they had a feeling that something might happen that day. 

However, Pallabi remained calm until at least evening. At 11:30 pm, their phone rang suddenly. It was Ahmed Sofa, who at that time lived in a lane opposite to the Secretariat. He conveyed news of significant violence unfolding in his vicinity. Yet, Mamoon and his uncle failed to grasp the severity of the situation immediately.

At 12:30 am, the sound of mortar reached their ears. Consequently, they ascended to the rooftop of their single-story building and witnessed flames on both the eastern and western horizons, likely emanating from Tongi on one side and Kalyanpur on the other. Subsequently, they began to hear the frequent sounds of bombing. By 1 am, the footsteps of army officers became audible, so they quickly came downstairs.

On 26 March morning when they were tuning in to the transistor, the people in Pallabi didn't yet know what happened throughout the city. Suddenly "Amar Sonar Bangla" began playing on Akash Bani. Shortly after, it was announced that a civil war had started in East Bengal. That was when they realised something serious was going on. 

"After stepping outside, we found some policemen positioned as though they were prepared to open fire. Across from them, a group of Biharis stood. A riot was underway, and the police were attempting to maintain order," recounted Mamoon.

Notably, Mirpur in 1971 was predominantly inhabited by non-Bengalis, particularly Biharis. Starting from the beginning of March, Biharis had established dominance in the Mirpur 11 section. On the night of March 25th, they launched attacks on the homes of numerous Bengalis, looting and setting them ablaze.

With help of these Biharis and non-Bangalis, the Pakistani forces also ran an onslaught on 26 March in the Palpara of Mirpur Golartek area, which was full of Hindu residents. 

Rajarbagh Police Lines 

All the Bangali officers of East Pakistan were loyal to Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, as evident since the  beginning of the non-cooperation movement. Even at around 9-10am in the morning of 25 March 1971, the Bangali officers of Rajarbagh Police Lines lowered the Pakistani flag and hoisted the Bangladesh flag, featuring its map in the middle. 

Hence, it was only natural that Rajarbag Police Lines would be one of the first targets of the Pakistani army on the night of 25 March. Bangabandhu also sent word through his elder son Sheikh Kamal that evening that Rajarbag Police Lines would be under attack that night, so they had better prepare. So, the Bangali policemen divided themselves into two groups. 

As recounted by Shahjahan Mia, the whistleblower who alerted the nation about the Pakistani attack and was one of the courageous fighters at Rajarbagh Police Lines that day, one group stationed themselves in Shahidbagh, Malibagh, Moghbazar, and Pak Motor (now Bangla Motor) areas, while the other group positioned themselves in Chamelibagh, Shantinagar, Bailey Road, and at the Intercontinental Hotel.

Eventually, Rajarbagh Police Lines came under attack at approximately 11:30pm. The Pakistani Army utilised SLRs (Self Loading Rifles), LMGs (Light Machine Guns), and mortars against the Bangali police. In response, the Bangali policemen defended themselves with .303 British rifles and managed to repel the initial wave of the attack successfully.

However, at one point, the Pakistanis deployed a tank and demolished the main gate of Rajarbagh Police Line. The Pakistan Army then massacred many policemen inside the base. They also used gunpowder to torch Provincial Reserve Forces' barracks. As flames engulfed the sky, the Police Lines morphed into a raging inferno. At least 24 Bangali policemen lost their lives. 

The Pakistan Army also detained and tortured around 150 Bengali policemen, including Shahjahan, after the destruction of the police base at around 5:30am. Many policemen were released on 28 March under one condition: they would have to report to the Mill Barrack Police Lines in the Gendaria area the following day.

Motijheel

Abed Khan was the convener of the Sarbadaliya Sangram Parishad for Narinda-Doyaganj vicinity, formed in early March 1971. Also, he was a sub-editor in the news department of Ittefaq at that time. On 25 March, he was on a night shift. But truth to be told, during that tumultuous period, no one really had any specific timetable. 

Khan arrived at the office in the evening. The office phone rang incessantly, with numerous callers seeking updates on the Mujib-Yahya dialogue. However, as the night progressed, there was also a growing interest in learning about the "massacres" unfolding in the city.

Around 10:45 pm, Khan drafted a news report based on the firing and bombing updates they had gathered. Meanwhile, he and others within the office began hearing gunfire outside, accompanied by cries for help from the people. It became increasingly evident that the Pakistani army was conducting operations on the streets.

As dawn approached, only 16-17 staff members remained in the office, predominantly journalists. Just before sunrise, Khan and a small group ventured to the balcony to assess the situation outside. They witnessed an army convoy advancing from the Modhumita direction, firing at nearby buildings. The convoy then proceeded towards Narayanganj.

"Suddenly, we heard a whimper. The young canteen boy from our office had been shot and was bleeding profusely. Despite our initial efforts to stem the bleeding, we soon realised that there was no hope of saving him," Khan recalled. 

They decided to take the boy to Gopibagh mosque. If the Mawlana saw him during the Fazr azaan, he might take any necessary action, he hoped. Thus, they left the boy in the mosque.

Upon their return, a young peon arrived at their office on a bicycle to collect copies of the morning newspaper. Suddenly, another tank rushed from Motijheel and opened fire. Everyone sought cover, either by lying on the floor or hiding behind the steel cabinets. But the innocent boy was shot dead within moments. Following this incident, Khan fled to his own home in Doyaganj, while some others dispersed to their respective residences.

At around 3 pm that day, two tanks stopped in front of the Ittefaq office. Some Pakistani military personnel entered the office and sprayed something. Some of Khan's colleagues were having lunch on the second floor at that moment. However, before they could react or evacuate, the Pakistani tanks fired upon the office.

Needless to say, anyone who remained inside the office was killed instantly. In addition to the Ittefaq office, the offices of 'The People' and 'Dainik Sangbad' were also completely destroyed on the night of 25 March. Among the casualties was the poet and journalist Shahid Saber.

Puran Dhaka

Major (Retired) Kazi Kamal Uddin Ekram was a second-year student at BUET in March 1971 and an active member of the Student Union. At around 4pm on 25 March, Mahbub and Azad, two of his friends and fellow activists, shouted in the hall corridor to warn them, "The Pakistani army will attack tonight."

So, Ekram and his friends left the hall and ran to his home in Puran Dhaka's Farashganj, where from the beginning of March, they arranged a training base for school and college-going students who could come and participate in parades and discipline exercises.

At 11 pm, Sutrapur Thana opened up their armoury for those who wanted to join the liberation war. Ekram and his friends took around 11 rifles. When it was almost morning, two of his friends and Ekram went to sneak around and see what had happened the night before.

They, however, did not take the main road. Instead, they took an alley, Patla Khan Lane. When they reached Bahadur Shah Park, they saw waving flames of fire. 

Nawabpur Road was ablaze. Ordinary Bengaladeshi's had erected barricades with items like push carts, trucks, and other things throughout the whole road as an act of resistance, but the Pakistani army set everything on fire. 

In the Nayabazar area, there was a huge wood storehouse, which they also set on fire. It looked like an active inferno burning even in the morning.

Moving forward, as they reached the road in front of Jagannath College (now Jagannath University), they met the dead bodies piled on rickshaws.

By then, the Pakistani army had moved to the Gendari area, "which is why we were able to walk around there," recalled Ekram. The scene was horrific, with people dead, some probably still alive but severely wounded. 

They saw some injured—some had lost a leg, some had facial burns, or bullets near their eyes—sitting in two taxis while drivers were being sought.

Two of them asked for their help to take them to Mitford Hospital. However, some objected, saying, "They are young lads; the Pakistani Army won't let them live if they are caught."

Moving forward, they saw houses burning on Parasj Ganj road. "We returned home, but the Pakistani army went on a rampage in their killing mission. Just a few homes before ours, there was a petrol godown. Around 10 o'clock, we saw it on fire." 

After witnessing all this, they hid their rifles, which they had collected the previous night, in the manholes. Keeping them in someone's house was risky. "If those were found in the manholes, we could disclaim ownership," said Ekram.

Mohammadpur

On March 23 1971, the flag of Shadhin Bangla flew all over East Pakistan. However, in Mohammadpur, it was raised solely at a house situated on Taj Mahal Road. Salimullah, a businessman, lived in that house with his family. 

Salimullah was a social worker who opposed Fatima Jinnah's proposal to convert Mohammadpur Government High School into an Urdu medium institution. He actively campaigned to maintain its Bengali medium status, going door to door to gather signatures from Bangalis in support of this cause. This stirred resentment among non-Bangalis of the locality.

Chhatra League leaders came to Salimullah's house on the evening of 25 March. They met with non-Bangalis to work for independence. But that very night, the non-Bangalis showed their true colours, coercing Salimullah into lowering the flag of Shadhin Bangla. They also attacked the Bengalis in the darkness of night in different areas of Mohammadpur and caused havoc. 

The following day, 26 March, was a Friday. That noon, Salimullah went to the Jame Masjid opposite his house to offer Friday prayers. Non-Bengali Muslims also pray with Bengali Muslims in the same mosque. But on that particular day, non-Bangali Muslims had come prepared with weapons such as knives and swords, 

At one point, shootings started in the mosque. Salimullah hurriedly retreated to his house to defend himself. Bengalis from nearby slums also sought refuge in his house. Salimullah and his family members hid upstairs. But suddenly the non-Bengalis set fire to the house. 

Initially, Salimullah didn't want to go out despite the fire, as he said, "It's better to be burnt alive together than seeing another family member killed first right before our own eyes."

However, as non-Bengalis started moving upstairs, Salimullah and his family felt a sense of desperation and leaped to the neighbouring house around 3-3:30 pm.

Salimullah, his wife and son Sadi Mohammad hid in the bathroom of that house. Still, the non-Bangalis managed to locate them and attacked Salimullah with knives. 

Salimullah ran out into the street to escape from them. But the non-Bengalis caught up with him near a ration shop at the street corner. They brutally stabbed him multiple times, ultimately delivering a fatal blow to his throat with a rod. Sadi Mohammad saw his father getting killed from a close proximity. 

In a similar manner, the non-Bangalis mercilessly hacked and murdered 25-30 more Bangalis at that time. 

EPR

The total number of forces stationed at the EPR headquarters, comprising five wings and including personnel from the Dhaka sector and recruitment office staff, was approximately 2,500. Among the six gates of Pilkhana in Dhaka, EPR soldiers were responsible for guarding gates No 4, 5, and 6.

On 25 March 1971, the majority of the guards on duty were Bengalis. They were issued with a meagre supply of only 20 rounds of ammunition, and in some cases, even less. Many were even compelled to stand guard without any weapons at all. The objective behind this action was to prevent the Bengali troops from being able to effectively resist in the event of an attack by the EPR Punjabi troops.

As planned, the Punjabi army initiated gunfire at approximately 12 am and advanced towards the mess of Bengali soldiers. However, the Bengalis were unable to mount a sustained resistance due to their inadequate supply of weapons. The almost one-sided shooting ceased around 3 am.

By this time, the Punjabi soldiers had killed numerous Bengali soldiers by stabbing them with bayonets. Those who managed to survive but were unable to escape were gathered together in the same barracks. They were not allowed to urinate or go to the toilet. When someone asked permission to relieve themselves, they were taken away and never returned; they were executed on the spot.

In the subsequent days, captured Bengali soldiers were transported to various locations such as Narayanganj and Demra under the pretext of engaging in work. However, none of them returned after a day's work. Instead, they would be shot dead on the spot. In this manner, Punjabi soldiers killed numerous Bengali soldiers.

Freedom fighter Naik Rezaul Karim was one of those who managed to escape on the night of 25 March. In 1971, he was working in the intelligence wing of EPR. 

Recounting his escape, he stated, "I crawled past barbed wire and made my way to Jinjira through Hazaribagh tannery. I was accompanied by 40-45 others. Subsequently, we travelled to Brahmanbaria and joined the liberation war alongside the Bengal regiment. From there, we proceeded to Agartala."

References: In-person interviews with eyewitnesses; Rita Bhowmic - Dhakay Gonohotya Prothom Porbo (25 Theke 31 March: 1971); Rashid Haider - 1971: Voyaboho Oviggota; Shahriar Kabir - Ekattorer Dushshoho Smriti; Muntassir Mamoon - Shei Shob Din; Selina Hossain - Ekattorer Dhaka; Basanti Guhathakurta - Ekattorer Smriti; Moidul Hasan - Upodhara Ekattor: March-April.